Protest votes and breakaways | The Manila Times

THIS week marks the 36th anniversary of the so-called People Power Revolution or EDSA 1. It reminds us of two things: that a united people can oust a duly elected president and what might have been if the promises of the EDSA were have become a reality. And if people still don’t get it, we’re bound to never see our aspirations as a nation and forever maintain tunnel vision, responding to romantic notions of leadership and politics.

Fidel V. Ramos (FVR) was the first post-EDSA president but was pushed into the position due to his role in EDSA. Corazon “Cory” Aquino became the traditional president. She was the 11th and her term lasted from 1986 to 1992 or six years under the 1987 Constitution. ‘EDSA. The telltale signs were already there that people were tired of the restoration of the old oligarchs and the creation of a new elite class, all benefiting from the EDSA. As few families controlled the economy, the poor multiplied, leading to the first protest vote in 1998 with President Joseph Estrada.

The first shared post after martial law was that of FVR and Vice President (VP) Estrada. President Aquino and Vice President Laurel are from the same forces that overthrew Marcos. But in office, Vice President Laurel fell into oblivion because President Aquino did not like political interference in governance.

Estrada’s removal was a function of combining economic and political power to replace a popular president accused of corruption. The oligarchs didn’t like the idea of ​​not having control of a sitting president. Estrada also maintained different groups of friends who dabbled in governance and illegal activities such as jueteng. The work ethic was on full display, and events in Malacanang fueled enterprising journalists and broadsheets who wanted to retaliate to his call for an advertising boycott of certain newspapers.

Estrada served from 1998 to 2001, two and a half years. Economic and political elites aided by outside forces, and again led by defense and military officials, paved the way for Vice President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s ascension to the presidency. She stayed the course and invoked the 1987 Constitution to run in 2004, remaining in office the longest post-martial law, nine years. Arroyo was carried by the yellow group until it became clear that the 2004 election was rigged, with the “I’m sorry”, allegedly offered by a senior Liberal Party official, and then the resignation of the secretaries cabinets associated with the LP.

Since Arroyo was elected in tandem with her vice president, Noli de Castro, it was difficult to remove her without de Castro’s agreement to the LP plan. It was the second tandem elected to power after martial law. From then on, the LP worked hard to eliminate Arroyo but without Castro’s VP, nothing came of the political acrobats. De Castro was popular but was not considered by the oligarchs as their own. Probably, only by the Lopezes.

So when the icon of democracy died, voters worried about who they would support. There were several presidential candidates: Teodoro, Estrada, Villar, Aquino 3e, among others.

Due to the death, voters were kind enough to support Cory’s only son and Ninoy’s namesake despite the paper-thin experience and non-performance record as a lawmaker. In 2016, many issues arose, from the Quirino tribune hostage crisis, the PDAF/DAP, Yolanda, the Zamboanga siege, Mamasapano, the impeachment of Chief Justice Corona, etc.

Another protest vote rose in 2016 and it resulted in the election of a latecomer, totally unknown in Luzon and not in the cast of the kind of leaders we elect. In total rejection of LP, voters struck a blow at Roxas. Robredo, the vice-president of Roxas won a victory but controversial by the camp of Bongbong Marcos. By midterm, voters overwhelmingly opposed the LP, electing no one to their Senate slate. And the protest continued as we approach 2022.

Certainty, predictability and sustainability are the drivers for 2022. Duterte’s six years have failed to accomplish several things: opening up the economy, reducing poverty, completing the BBB and bringing education to the needs of industry 4.0.

There are only two families that have produced presidents in our country: the father-daughter Macapagal family and the mother-son Aquino family. Macapagal-Arroyo came 36 years after his father (the 9th president) who was elected in 1961 and served until 1965. Aquino 3rd, on the other hand, came 18 years after his mother’s presidency. If fate favors Bongbong Marcos, he would come after 36 years from his father, Ferdinand Marcos, exactly 36 years after EDSA.

Will Francisco “Isko Moreno” Domagoso be the poster for a protest vote? No, he won’t. He was in bed with the Liberals and even had talks with the vice president. He attacked Duterte early on. He blasted Duterte’s cabinet and questioned the president’s handling of the pandemic. Domagoso issued a challenge to a fist fight. A sign of rawness. In hindsight, Duterte and his cabinet were right to deal with the pandemic. The mayor of Manila has practically used his first term to prepare to run for president in 2022. His budget management is so bad that it leaves the city in disarray. Reforms have been made to support its ambition, so there is no sustainability. Repositioning oneself therefore as being supported by the DDS shows a character flaw. He will do whatever it takes to achieve his ambition.

And this is where the dissident group of supporters of Duterte gives Domagoso a second wind without taking into account the words and actions of the mayor of Manila. They could easily support the president’s daughter even if they don’t collectively throw their support at Domagoso. Which give? The supposed ISSA is not a tandem ticket. It’s a forced partnership without the approval of the mayor of Davao City. What kind of politics is this? Policy of convenience for Domagoso but what about Duterte? They even have a HQ in Malate, how can they do that to Domagoso’s VP candidate? How can Domagoso stab his loyal running mate in the back? Talk about how Domagoso stabbed Lim and Estrada, all for money.

In all these last-minute maneuvers, the character of Domagoso is seen by everyone for what he really is. He’s the kind of character we abhor in politics. It’s like your attack/defend/collect approach. Domagoso even insulted the president and the DDS when he said, “Huwag nyong aalisin si Pangulong Duterte sa puso ninyo, ipahiram nyo lang ang puso ninyo pangsamantala…” Obviously, he’s a user. Obviously, the basis of ISSA is to realize its ambition. Obviously, it is not about the voters but about Domagoso. This flaw is dangerous in a president. This act drives a wedge in the BBM-Sara tandem and promotes division rather than unity. Breaking the tandem is the next strategy in the coming weeks of the campaign. But how can a third placer (Domagoso) dislodge VP Robredo with this blow? And we’ve seen what a shared ticket can do for our nation. When 62.2% want a tandem, these DDS who jumped to Domagoso do not understand the writing on the wall. “Your reputation is what others think of you; your character is who you really are. Reputations can be manipulated; character can only be developed and maintained.”

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